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1 arise
(a) (appear, happen) survenir, se présenter;∎ literary there arose a great cheer des acclamations se firent entendre;∎ if complications should arise si des complications survenaient;∎ a doubt arose in his mind un doute est apparu dans son esprit;∎ if the need arises en cas de besoin;∎ if the occasion arises si l'occasion se présente∎ a problem that arises from this decision un problème qui résulte ou découle de cette décision;∎ matters arising from the last meeting des questions soulevées lors de la dernière réunion∎ arise, Sir John! (in knighthood ceremony) relevez-vous, Sir John;∎ to arise from the dead ressusciter (des morts) -
2 зарождаться
зародитьсяbe conceived; (перен.) arise*, be bornу него зародилось сомнение — a doubt arose in his mind, he began to feel doubtful
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3 зарождаться
несов. - зарожда́ться, сов. - зароди́ться1) уст. и прост. ( рождаться) be conceived [-'siːvd]2) (возникать, появляться) arise, be bornу него́ зароди́лось сомне́ние — a doubt arose in his mind, he began to feel doubtful
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4 Historical Portugal
Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims inPortugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and theChurch (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict untilUN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU. -
5 HAFA
* * *(hefi; hafða, höfðum; hafðr), v.1) to have (þeir höfðu sjau skip ok flest stór);hafa elda, to keep up a five;2) to hold, celebrate (hafa vinaboð, blót, þing);3) to keep, retain (rifu þær vefinn í sundr, ok hafði hverr þat er hélt á);4) to use (tvau net eru rý, ok hafa eigi höfð verit);orð þau sem hann hafði um haft, which he had made use of;hafa fagrmæli við e-n, to flatter one;hafa hljóðmæli við e-n, to speak secretly to one;hafa tvimæli á e-u, to speak doubtfully of a thing;hafa viðrmæli um e-t, to use mocking words;hann var mjök hafðr við mál manna, much used to, versed in, lawsuits;5) to have, hold, maintain;hafa vináttu við e-n, to maintain friendship with one;hafa hættumikit, to run a great risk;hafa heilindi, to have good health;6) to bring, carry;hafa e-n heim með sér, to bring one home;hann hafði lög, út hingat ór Noregi, he brought laws hither from Norway;hafa sik (to betake oneself) til annara landa;7) to take, carry off;troll hafi þik, the trolls take thee;8) to get, gain, win;hann hafði eigi svefn, he got no sleep;hefir sá jafnan, er hættir, he wins that ventures;hafa gagn, sigr, to gain victor;hafa meira hlut, to get the upper hand, gain the day;hafa betr (verr), to get the better (worse) of it;hafa sitt mál, to win one’s suit;hafa tafl, to win the game;hafa erendi, to do one’s errand, succeed;hafa bana, to suffer death, to die;hafa sigr, to be worsted;hafa góðar viðtökur, to be well received;hafa tíðindi af e-m, to get tidings of, or from, one;hafa sœmd, óvirðing af e-m, to get honour, disgrace from one;with gen., hafa e-s ekki, to fail to catch one (hann kemst á skóg undan, ok höfðu þeir hans ekki);ekki munu vér hans hafa at sinni, we shall not catch him at present;9) to wear carry (clothes, weapons);hann hafði blán kyrtil, he wore a blue kirtle;hafa kylfu í hendi sér, to have a club in one’s hand;10) to behave, do, or fare, so an so esp. with an adv.;hafa vel, illa, vetr, to behave (do) well, badly, be worse;hafa sik vel, to behave;hafa vel, to be well off or happy;hafa hart, to be in a wretched plight;11) with infin., hafa at varðveita, to have in keeping at selja, to have on sale;lög hafið þér at mæla, you are right;12) hafa e-n nær e-u, to expose one to (þú hafðir svá nær haft oss úfœru);hafa nær e-u, to come near to, esp. impers.;nær hafði okkr nú, it was a narrow escape;svá nær hafði hausinum, at, the shot so nearly touched the head, that;ok er nær hafði, skipit mundi fljóta, when the ship was on the point of flloating;13) as an auxiliary verb, in the earliest time with the pp. of transitive verbs in acc.;hefir þú hamar um fólginn, hast thou hidden the hammer?;ek hefi sendan mann, I have sent a man;later with indecl. neut. pp.;hefir þú eigi sét mik, hast thou not seen me?;14) with preps.:hafa e-t at, to do, act;hann tók af þér konuna, en þú hafðir ekki at, but thou didst not stir, didst take it tamely;absol., viltu þess freista, ok vita hvat at hafi, wilt thou try and see what happens?;hafa e-t at hlífiskildi (skotspœni), to use as a shield (as a target);hafa e-n háði, hlátri, to mock, laugh at;hafa e-t at engu, vettugi, to hold for naught, take no notice of;hafa sakir á e-n have charges against one;hafa á rás, to take to one’s heels, run off;hafa e-t eptir, to do or repeat a thing after one;hafa e-t fram, to produce (vápn þorgils vóru fram höfð); to carry out, hold forth;hafa mál fram, to proceed with a suit;var um búit, ekki fram haft, all was made ready but nothing done;hafa e-t frammi, í frammi, to use, make use of (hafa í frammi kúgan);ok öll lögmæt skil frammi hafa, and discharge all on official duties;hafa e-t fyrir satt, to hold for true;eigi em ek þar fyrir sönnu hafðr, I am not truly aimed for that, it is a false charge;hafa e-n fyrir sökum um e-t, to charge one with;hafa í hótum við e-n, to threaten one;hafa e-t með höndum, to have in hand;höfum eiai sigrinn ór hendi, let not victory slip out of our hands;hafa ór við e-n, to behave so and so towards one (hefir þú illa ór haft við mik);hafa e-t til e-s to use for (höfðu þeir til varnar skot ok spjót); to be a reason or ground for;vér hyggjum þat til þess haft vera, at þar hafi menn sézt, we believe the foundation of the story is that men have been seen there;hafa mikit (lítit) til síns máls, to have much (little) in support of one’s case;hafa e-t til, to have at hand, possess;orð þau, sem hann hafði um haft, the words which he had used;keisari hafði fátt um, did not say much;hafa e-n undir, to get one under, subdue one;hafa e-t uppi, to take (heave) up (hafa uppi fœri, net);Skarpheðinn hafði uppi øxina, S. heaved up the axe;hafa flokk uppi, to raise a party, to rebel;hafa uppi tafl, to play at a game;hafa e-n uppi, to bring one to light;hafa uppi rœður, to begin a discussion;hafa e-t úti, to have done, finished (hafa úti sitt dagsverk);hafa við e-m, to be a match for one;hafa sik við, to exert oneself;hafa mikit (lítit) við, to make a great (little) display;hann söng messu ok bafði mikit við, and made much of it;hann bad jarl leita, bann hafði lítit við þat, he did it lightly;haf ekki slíkt við, do not say so;haf þú lítit við at eggja sonu þina, refrain from egging on thy sons;15) refl., hafast.* * *pret. hafði; subj. hefði; pres. sing. hefi (less correctly hefir), hefir, hefir; plur. höfum, hafit, hafa: the mod. pres. sing. is monosyllabic hefr or hefur, and is used so in rhymes—andvara engan hefur | … við glys heims gálaus sefur, Pass. 15. 6, but in print the true old form hefir is still retained; the monosyllabic present is used even by old writers in the 1st pers. before the personal or negative suffix, e. g. hef-k and hef-k-a ek for hefi-g and hefig-a ek, see e. g. Grág. (Kb.) 79, 82, in the old oath formula, hef-k eigi, Hallfred; hef ek, Fms. iii. 10 (in a verse); but not so in 3rd pers., e. g. hefir-a or hefir-at, Grág. l. c.: imperat. haf, hafðu: part. pass. hafðr, neut. haft;—hafat is an απ. λεγ., Vsp. 16, and is prob. qs. hafit from hefja, to heave, lift: [Ulf. haban; A. S. habban; Engl. have; Hel. hebben; Germ. haben; Dutch hebben; Dan. have, Swed. hafva: it is curious the Lat. form habere retains the consonant unchanged, cp. the Romance forms, Ital. avere, Fr. avoir, Span. haber, etc. ☞ Hafa is a weak verb, and thus distinguished from hefja (to lift, begin), which is a strong verb, answering to Lat. capere, incipere; but in sundry cases, as will be seen below, it passes into the sense of this latter word; as also in some instances into that of another lost strong verb, hafa, hóf, to behave, and hœfa, to hit]:—to have.A. To have; hann hafði með sér ekki meira lið, Fms. i. 39; hafði hverr hirð um sik, 52; höfðu þeir áttján skip, viii. 42; Sverrir hafði tvau hundrað manna, … þeir höfðu annan samnað á landi, 328; hann hafði mikit lið ok frítt, x. 36; þeir höfðu sjau skip ok flest stór, 102; hafa fjölmennar setur, Eb. 22; hann hafði menn sína í síldveri, Eg. 42; mun ek naut hafa þar sem mér þykkir hagi beztr, 716.II. to hold:1. to keep, celebrate; hafa ok halda, Dipl. i. 6; hafa átrúnað, 10; hafa dóma, 12; hafa blót, Fms. iv. 254; hafa vina-veizlu, id.; hafa vina-boð, Nj. 2; hafa Jóla-boð, Eg. 516; hafa þing, Fms. ix. 449; hafa haust-boð, Gísl. 27; hafa drykkju, Eb. 154; hafa leik, Fms. x. 201, passim.2. to hold, observe; hlýðir þat hvergi at hafa eigi lög í landi, Nj. 149; skal þat hafa, er stendr …, Grág. i. 7; skal þat allt hafa er finsk á skrá þeirri …, id.; en hvatki es mis-sagt es í fræðum þessum, þá es skylt at hafa þat (to keep, hold to be true) es sannara reynisk, Íb. 3; ok hafða ek (I kept, selected) þat ór hvárri er framarr greindi, Landn. 320, v. l.3. to hold, keep, retain; ef hann vill hafa hann til fardaga, Grág. i. 155; skal búandinn hafa hann hálfan mánuð, 154; ok hafði hvárr þat er hélt á, Nj. 279; hitt skal hafa er um fram er, Rb. 56; kasta í burt þrjátigi ok haf þat sem eptir verðr, 494.4. to hold an office; hafa lögsögu, to hold the office of lögsaga, Íb. passim; hafa jarldóm, konungdóm, passim; þat höfðu haft at fornu Dana-konungar, Eg. 267; þér berit konunga-nöfn svá sem fyrr hafa haft ( have had) forfeðr yðrir, en hafit lítið af ríki, Fms. i. 52; hafa ríki, to reign, Hkr. pref.5. phrases, hafa elda, to keep a fire, cook, Fms. xi. 129; hafa fjárgæzlu, to tend sheep, Eg. 740; hafa embætti með höndum, Stj. 204; hafa gæzlur á e-u, Fms. ix. 313; hafa … vetr, to have so many winters, be of such an age (cp. Fr. avoir … ans), Íb. 15; margir höfðu lítið fátt þúsund ára, Ver. 7: hafa vörn í máli, Nj. 93; hafa e-t með höndum, to have in hand, Fms. viii. 280, ix. 239; hafa e-t á höndum, Grág. i. 38; hafa fyrir satt, to hold for true, Fms. xi. 10; hafa við orð, to intimate, suggest, Nj. 160; hafa e-t at engu, vettugi, to hold for naught, take no notice of, Fas. i. 318.6. with prepp. or infin.,α. with prep.; hafa til, to have, possess; ef annarr þeirra hefir til enn annarr eigi, þá er sá skyldr til at fá honum er til hefir, Grág. i. 33; ef annarr hefir til …, id.; þér ætlið at ek muna eigi afl til hafa, Ld. 28.β. with infin.; hafa at varðveita, to have in keeping, Eg. 500; lög hafit þér at mæla, you have the law on your tongue, i. e. you are right, Nj. 101; hörð tíðindi hefi ek at segja þér, 64; sá er gripinn hefir at halda, Grág. i. 438; hafa at selja, to have on sale, Ld. 28.III. to use; var haft til þess sker eitt, Eb. 12; þá höfðu þeir til varnar skot ok spjót, Fms. vii. 193; er þín ráð vóru höfð, that thy advice was taken, Fs. 57; Gríss hafði þessi ráð, Fms. iii. 21; ek vil at þat sé haft er ek legg til, x. 249; þykki mér þú vel hafa ( make good use of) þau tillög er ek legg fyrir þik, xi. 61; til þess alls er jarli þótti skipta, þá hafði hann þessa hluti, 129; tvau ný (net), ok hafa eigi höfð verit ( which have not been used), haf þú ( take) hvárt er þú vilt, Háv. 46; þær vil ek hafa enar nýju, en ek vil ekki hætta til at hafa enar fornu, id.; önnur er ný ok mikil ok hefir ( has) til einskis höfð ( used) verið, id.; buðkr er fyrir húslker er hafðr, Vm. 171; gjalda vápn þau er höfð eru, N. G. L. i. 75; þat hafði hann haft ( used) fyrir skála, Edda 29; þeir vóru hafðir til at festa með hús jafnan, Nj. 118; sá hólmr var hafðr til at …, Fms. i. 218; hann skyldi hafa hinn sama eið, x. 7; orð þau sem hann hafði ( had) um haft ( used), Nj. 56; orð þau er hann hafði ( made use of) í barnskírn, K. Þ. K. 14.2. more special phrases; hafa fagrmæli við e-n, to flatter one, Nj. 224; hafa hljóðmæli við e-n, to speak secretly to one, 223; allmikil fjölkyngi mun vera við höfð áðr svá fái gört, Edda 27; hafa mörg orð um e-t, Ld. 268; hafa tvímæli á e-u, to discuss, doubt, speak diffidently of a thing, Lv. 52; hafa viðrmæli um e-t, to use mocking words, Nj. 89; hafa nafn Drottins í hégóma, to take the Lord’s name in vain, Fms. i. 310; (hann var) mjök hafðr við mál manna, much used to, versed in lawsuits, Dropl. 8: hafa sik til e-s, to use oneself to a thing, i. e. to do a mean, paltry thing; þeir er til þess vilja hafa sik, at ganga í samkundur manna úboðit, Gþl. 200; ef hann vill sik til þessa hafa, Fms. i. 99: hafa sik við, to exert oneself; skaltú ok verða þik við at hafa um þetta mál, ef þú getr þat af þér fært, Grett. 160: hafa e-n at skotspæni, to use one as a target, Nj. 222; hafa e-n at hlífi-skildi sér, to use one as a shield, 262; hafa e-n at ginningar-fifli, auga-bragði, háði, hlátri, Hm. 133, Nj. 224, passim.IV. to have, hold, maintain, of a state or condition; hafa vináttu við e-n, to maintain friendship with one, Sks. 662; hafa vanmátt, to continue sick, Eg. 565; hafa hættu-mikit, to run a great risk, Nj. 149; hafa vitfirring, to be insane, Grág. i. 154; hafa heilindi, to have good health, 26, Hm. 67; hafa burði til e-s, to have the birthright to a thing. Eg. 479; hafa hug, áræði, hyggindi, to have the courage …, Hom. 28; hafa vit ( to know), skyn, greind … á e-u, to have understanding of a thing; hafa gaman, gleði, skemtun, ánægju af e-u, to have interest or pleasure in a thing; hafa leiða, ógeð, andstygð, hatr, óbeit á e-u, to dislike, be disgusted with, hate a thing; hafa elsku, mætr, virðing á e-u, to love, esteeem … a thing; hafa allan hug á e-u, to bend the mind to a thing; hafa grun á e-m, to suspect one; hafa ótta, beyg af e-u, to fear a thing; and in numberless other phrases.2. with prepp.:α. hafa e-t frammi (fram), to carry out, hold forth; hafa frammi róg, Nj. 166; hafa mál fram, to proceed with a suit, 101; stefnu-för, 78; heitstrengingar, Fms. xi. 103; ok öll lögmælt skil frammi hafa, and discharge all one’s official duties, 232; var um búit en ekki fram haft, all was made ready, but nothing done, viii. 113; beini má varla verða betri en hér er frammi hafðr, xi. 52; hafðú í frammi ( use) kúgan við þá uppi við fjöllin, Ísl. ii. 215; margir hlutir, þó at hann hafi í frammi, Sks. 276.β. hafa mikit, lítið fyrir e-u, to have much, little trouble about a thing; (hence fyrir-höfn, trouble.)γ. hafa við e-m (afl or the like understood), to be a match for one, Fms. vii. 170, Lv. 109, Nj. 89, Eg. 474, Anal. 176; hafa mikit, lítið við, to make a great, little display; (hence við-höfn, display, pomp); hann söng messu ok hafði mikit við, he sang mass and made a great thing of it, Nj. 157; þú hefir mikit við, thou makest a great show of it, Boll. 351; hann bað jarl leita, hann hafði lítið við þat, he did it lightly, Nj. 141; haf ekki slíkt við, do not say so, Ld. 182.B. To take, carry off, win, wield, [closely akin to Lat. capere]:I. to catch, take, esp. in the phrase, hafa ekki e-s, to miss one; hann kemsk á skóg undan, ok höfðu þeir hans ekki, he took to the forest and they missed him, Nj. 130; ekki munu vér hans hafa at sinni, we sha’nt catch him at present, Fms. vi. 278; hafða ek þess vætki vífs, Hm. 101; þeygi ek hana at heldr hefik, 95: in swearing, tröll, herr, gramir hafi þik, the trolls, ghosts, etc. take thee! tröll hafi líf, ef …, Kormak; tröll hafi Trefót allan! Grett. (in a verse); tröll hafi þína vini, tröll hafi hól þitt, Nj.; herr hafi Þóri til slægan, confound the wily Thorir! Fms. vi. 278, v. l. (emended, as the phrase is wrongly explained in Fms. xii. Gloss.); gramir hafi þik! vide gramr.II. to carry, carry off, bring; hafði einn hjartað í munni sér, one carried the heart off in his mouth, Nj. 95; hann hafði þat ( brought it) norðan með sér, Eg. 42; hafði Þórólfr heim marga dýrgripi, 4; hann hafði með sér skatt allan, 62; skaltú biðja hennar ok hafa hana heim hingat, Edda 22; fé þat er hann hafði ( had) út haft ( carried from abroad), Gullþ. 13; á fimm hestum höfðu þeir mat, Nj. 74; bókina er hann hafði ( had) út haft, Fms. vii. 156; konungr hafði biskup norðr til Björgynjar með sér, viii. 296; biskup lét hann hafa með sér kirkju-við ok járn-klukku, Landn. 42; hann hafði með sér skulda-lið sitt ok búferli, Eb. 8; hann tók ofan hofit, ok hafði með sér flesta viðu, id.; ok hafa hana í brott, Fms. i. 3; tekr upp barnit, ok hefir heim með sér, Ísl. ii. 20; hann hafði lög út hingat ór Noregi, he brought laws hither from Norway, Íb. 5; haf þú heim hvali til bæjar, Hým. 26; ok hafa hann til Valhallar, Nj. 119.III. to take, get; hann hafði þá engan mat né drykk, he took no food nor drink, Eg. 602; hann hafði eigi svefn, he got no sleep, Bs. i. 139.2. to get, gain, win; öfluðu sér fjár, ok höfðu hlutskipti mikit, Eg. 4; eigi þarftú at biðja viðsmjörs þess, þvíat hann mun þat alls ekki hafa, né þú, for neither he nor thou shall get it, Blas. 28; jarl vill hafa minn fund, he will have a meeting with me, 40, Skv. 1. 4: the sayings, hefir sá jafnan er hættir, he wins that risks, ‘nothing venture, nothing have,’ Hrafn. 16; sá hefir krás er krefr, Sl. 29.3. phrases, hafa meira hlut, to get the better lot, gain the day, Nj. 90, Fms. xi. 93; hafa gagn, sigr, to gain victory, ix. 132, Eg. 7, Hkr. i. 215, Ver. 38; hafa betr, to get the better; hafa verr, miðr, to have the worst of it, Fms. v. 86, Þorst. S. St. 48, passim; hafa mál sitt, to win one’s suit, Grág. i. 7, Fms. vii. 34; hafa kaup öll, to get all the bargain, Eg. 71; hafa tafl, to win the game, Fms. vii. 219; hafa erendi, to do one’s errand, succeed, Þkv. 10, 11, Fas. ii. 517: hafa bana, to have one’s bane, to die, Nj. 8; hafa úsigr, to be worsted, passim; hafa úfrið, to have no peace; hafa gagn, sóma, heiðr, neisu, óvirðing, skömm, etc. af e-u, to get profit, gain, honour, disgrace, etc. from a thing; hafa e-n í helju, to put one to death, Al. 123; hafa e-n undir, to get one under, subdue him, Nj. 95, 128; höfum eigi, sigrinn ór hendi, let not victory slip out of our hands, Fms. v. 294.4. to get, receive; hann hafði góðar viðtökur, Nj. 4; hón skal hafa sex-tigi hundraða, 3; skyldi Högni hafa land, 118; selja skipit, ef hann hafði þat fyrir ( if he could get for it) sem hann vildi; Flosi spurði í hverjum aurum hann vildi fyrir hafa, hann kvaðsk vildu fyrir hafa land, 259; hafa tíðindi, sögur af e-m, to have, get tidings of or from one, Ld. 28; hafa sæmd, metorð óvirðing, to get honour, disgrace from one’s hands, Nj. 101; hafa bætr, to get compensation, Grág. i. 188; hafa innstæðuna eina, id.; hafa af e-m, to have the best of one, cheat one.IV. to carry, wear, of clothes, ornaments, weapons:1. of clothes, [cp. Lat. habitus and Icel. höfn = gear]; hafa hatt á höfði, Ld. 28; hafa váskufl yztan klæða, … þú skalt hafa undir ( wear beneath) hin góðu klæði þín, Nj. 32; hann hafði blán kyrtil, … hann hafði svartan kyrtil, Boll. 358; hafa fald á höfði, to wear a hood; hón hafði gaddan rautt á höfði, Orkn. 304; hann hafði um sik breitt belti, he wore a broad belt, Nj. 91; hafa fingr-gull á hendi, 146: to have about one’s person, vefja saman ok hafa í pungi sínum, Edda 27; hlutir sem mönnum var títt at hafa, Fms. xi. 128.2. of weapons, to wield, carry; spjót þat er þú hefir í hendi, Boll. 350; hafa kylfu í hendi sér, to have a club in one’s hand, Fms. xi. 129; hafa staf í hendi, to have a stick in the hand, Bárð.; Gunnarr hafði atgeirinn ok sverðit, Kolskeggr hafði saxit, Hjörtr hafði alvæpni, Nj. 93; hann hafdi öxi snaghyrnda, Boll. 358; hann hafði kesjuna fyrir sér, he held the lance in rest, Eg. 532.V. here may be added a few special phrases; hafa hendr fyrir sér, to grope, feel with the hands (as in darkness); hafa vit fyrir sér, to act wisely; hafa at sér hendina, to draw one’s hand back, Stj. 198; hafa e-t eptir, to do or repeat a thing after one, Konr.; hafa e-t yfir, to repeat (of a lesson): hafa sik, to betake oneself; hafa sik til annarra landa, Grett. 9 new Ed.; hann vissi varla hvar hann átti at hafa sik, he knew not where ( whither) to betake himself, Bs. i. 807; hefir hann sik aptr á stað til munklífisins, Mar.C. Passing into the sense of hefja (see at the beginning); hafa e-t uppi, to heave up, raise; hafa flokk uppi, to raise a party, to rebel, Fb. ii. 89: hafa uppi færi, net, a fisherman’s term, to heave up, take up the net or line, Háv. 46; Skarphéðinn hafði uppi ( heaved up) öxina, Nj. 144: hafa uppi tafl, to play at a game, Vápn. 29; þar vóru mjök töfl uppi höfð ok sagna-skemtan, Þorf. Karl. 406, v. l.: hafa e-n uppi, to hold one up, bring him to light; svá máttu oss skjótast uppi hafa, Fær. 42: metaph. to reveal, vándr riddari hafði allt þegar uppi, Str. 10.2. with the notion to begin; Bárðr hafði uppi orð sín ( began his suit) ok bað Sigríðar, Eg. 26, Eb. 142; hafa upp stefnu, to begin the summons, Boll. 350; hafa upp ræður, to begin a discussion; ræður þær er hann hafði uppi haft við Ingigerði, Fms. iv. 144, where the older text in Ó. H. reads umræður þær er hann hafði upp hafit (from hefja), 59; cp. also Vsp., þat langniðja-tal mun uppi hafat (i. e. hafit) meðan öld lifir, 16, (cp. upp-haf, beginning); þó at ek hafa síðarr um-ræðu um hann, better þó at ek hafa (i. e. hefja) síðarr upp ræðu um hann, though I shall below treat of, discuss that, Skálda (Thorodd) 168; er lengi hefir uppi verit haft síðan (of a song), Nj. 135; cp. also phrases such as, hafa á rás, to begin running, take to one’s heels, Fms. iv. 120, ix. 490; næsta morgin hefir út fjörðinn, the next morning a breeze off land arose, Bs. ii. 48: opp. is the phrase, hafa e-t úti, to have done, finished; hafa úti sitt dags-verk, Fms. xi. 431; hafa úti sekt sína, Grett. 149.D. Passing into the sense of a lost strong verb, hafa, hóf (see at the beginning), to behave, do, act:I. with an adverb, hafa vel, ílla, or the like, to behave, and in some instances to do well or badly, be happy or unhappy,α. to behave; en nú vil ek eigi verr hafa en þú, Fms. iv. 342; þeir sögðu at konungr vildi verr hafa en þeir, 313; hefir þú ílla ór (málum or the like understood) haft við mik, Fs. 140; ólikr er Gísli öðrum í þolinmæði, ok hefir hann betr en vér, Gísl. 28.β. to do so and so (to be happy, unhappy); verr hafa þeir er trygðum slitu, Mkv. 3; ílla hefir sá er annan svíkr, 18; vel hefir sá er þat líða lætr, 6; vel hefir sá ( he is happy) er eigi bíðr slíkt íllt þessa heims, Fms. v. 145; hvílíkt hefir þú, how dost thou? Mar.; hafa hart, to do badly, to be wretched; at sál Þorgils mætti fyrir þær sakir eigi hart hafa, Sturl. iii. 292, Mar.; Ólafr hafði þá hölzti ílla, O. was very poorly, D. N. ii. 156; þykisk sá bezt hafa ( happiest) er fyrstr kemr heim, Fms. xi. 248; þá hefir hann bazt af hann þegir, i. e. that is the best he can do if he holds his tongue, Hm. 19; þess get ek at sá hafi verr ( he will make a bad bargain) er þik flytr, Nj. 128; úlfgi hefir ok vel, the wolf is in a bad plight, Ls. 39; mun sá betr hafa er eigi tekr við þér, id.; betr hefðir þú, ef …, thou wouldest do better, if …, Akv. 16.γ. adding sik; hafa sik vel, to behave well, Fms. x. 415, Stj. 436.II. with the prep. at, to do, act, (hence at-höfn, at-hæfi, act, doing); hann lét ekki til búa vígs-málit ok engan hlut at hafa, Nj. 71; en ef þeim þykkir of lítið féit tekit, þá skulu þeir hafa at hit sama, to act in the same way, Grág. ii. 267; hvatki es þeir hafa at, Fms. xi. 132; hann tók af þér konuna, en þú hafðir ekki at, but thou didst not stir, didst take it tamely, Nj. 33; bæði munu menn þetta kalla stórvirki ok íllvirki, en þó má nú ekki at hafa, but there is no help for it, 202; eigi sýnisk mér meðal-atferðar-leysi, at vér höfum eigi at um kvámur hans, i. e. that we submit tamely to his coming, Fs. 32: absol., viltú þess freista, ok vita þá hvat at hafi, wilt thou try and see how it will do? Bjarn. 27; en nú skaltú fara fyrir, ok vita hvat at hafi, Bs. i. 712.III. phrases, hafa hátt, to be noisy, talk loud, Fms. i. 66; við skulum ekki hafa hátt ( do not cry loud) hér er maðr á glugganum, a lullaby song; hafa lágt, to keep silent; hafa hægt, to keep quiet; hafa sik á (í) hófi, to compose oneself, Ls. 36; hafa í hótum við e-n, to use threatening ( foul) language, Fb. i. 312; hafa í glett við e-n, to banter one, Fms. viii. 289; hafa íllt at verki, to do a bad deed, Ísl. ii. 184.E. Passing into the sense of the verb hæfa (see at the beginning), to aim at, hit, with dat.:I. to hit; svá nær hafði hausinum, at …, the shot so nearly hit the head, that …, Fms. ii. 272; þat sama forað, sem henni hafði næst váða, those very precipices from which she had so narrow an escape, Bs. i. 200, Fms. ix. 357; nær hafði nú, at skjótr mundi verða okkarr skilnaðr, Al. 124; nær hafði okkr nú, it struck near us, it was a narrow escape, Fms. viii. 281; kvaðsk svá dreymt hafa ( have dreamed), at þeim mundi nær hafa, ix. 387, v. l.; ok er nær hafði at skipit mundi fljóta, when the ship was on the point of floating, Ld. 58; ok hafði svá nær (it was within a hair’s breadth), at frændr Þorvalds mundu ganga at honum, Nj. 160; ok hafði svá nær at þeir mundi berjask, Íb. 11, cp. Bs. i. 21: the phrase, fjarri hefir, far from it! Edda (in a verse).2. to charge; eigi em ek þar fyrir sönnu hafðr, I am not truly aimed at for that, ‘tis a false charge, Eg. 64; þeim manni er fyrir sökum er hafðr, i. e. the culprit, Grág. i. 29; cp. the mod. phrase, hafa á e-u, to make a charge of a thing; það varð ekki á því haft, they could not make a case for a charge of it.II. metaph. to be the ground or reason for, (hence til-hæfa, reason, fact, foundation); til þess ætla vitrir menn þat haft at Ísland sé Tile (i. e. Thule) kallað, at …, learned men suppose that is the reason that Iceland is called Thule, that …, Landn. (pref.); mikit mun til haft, er einmæli er um (there must be some reason for it, because all people say so), Þorgils segir, eigi er fyrir haft ( there is no ground whatever for it), at ek mæla betr fyrir griðum en aðrir menn, Ísl. ii. 379; vér hyggjum þat til þess haft vera, at þar hafi menn sésk, we believe the substance of the story is that men have been seen there, Fms. xi. 158; hvat er til þess haft um þat (what is the truth of the matter?), hefir sundr-þykki orðit með ykkr? Boll. 364: in the saying, hefir hverr til síns ágætis nokkut, every one gets his reputation for something, Nj. 115.2. to happen, coincide; hefir svá til, at hann var þar sjálfr, Fms. xi. 138, v. l.β. the phrase, hafa mikit (lítið) til síns máls, to have much ( little) reason for one’s tale, i. e. to be much, little, in the right, Fms. vii. 221, xi. 138 (v. l.), Nj. 88: um þenna hefir svá stórum, it matters so much with this man, (v. l. for mun stórum skipta), Fms. xi. 311.F. REFLEX. to keep, dwell, abide, but only of a temporary shelter or abode, cp. Lat. habitare, (cp. also höfn, a haven); hann hefsk á náttartíma niðri í vötnum, at night-time he keeps down in the water, Stj. 77: to live, þeir höfðusk mjök í kaupferðum, they spent much of their life in travelling, Hkr. i. 276; hann hafðisk löngum í bænum, Bs. i. 353.β. with prep. við; hér mun ek við hafask ( I will stay here) en þú far til konungs, Fb. ii. 125; hafðisk hann við á skógum eðr í öðrum fylgsnum, 302; því at hann hafðisk þá á skipum við, Fms. viii. 44; hvílsk heldr ok hafsk við í því landi, rest and stay in that land, Stj. 162; Ásgeirr hafðisk við uppi í dalnum, Sd. 154; hafask lind fyrir, to cover oneself with a shield (?), Vsp. 50; hafask hlífar fyrir, to be mailed in armour, Hkm. 11.2. hafask at, to do, behave (cp. D. above); vóru þeir þá svá móðir, at þeir máttu ekki at hafask, Fms. ii. 149; en síðan skulut þér at hafa slíkt sem ek kann fyrir segja, i. 158; þat eitt munu við at hafask, at ek mun betr göra en þú, Nj. 19; Lambi sá hvat Steinarr hafðisk at, Eg. 747.3. hafask vel, to do well, thrive; vaxa ok vel hafask, to wax and do well, Hm. 142; nú er þat bæn mín, at þér hafisk við vel, that you bear yourself well up, Fms. ix. 497; Jungfrúin hafðisk vel við í ferðinni, x. 86; at fé hans mundi eigi hafask at betr at meðal-vetri, Grág. ii. 326.4. recipr., hafask orð við, to speak to one another; ok er þat ósiðlegt, at menn hafisk eigi orð við, Fs. 14; þar til er þeir hafask réttar tölur við, N. G. L. i. 182.II. part. hafandi is used in the sense of having conceived, being with child; þá verit hann varr við at hón var hafandi, 656 B. 14; hón skyldi verða hafandi at Guðs syni, id.; generally, allt þat er hafanda var lét burð sinn ok ærðisk, Fms. vii. 187; svá sem hón verðr at honum hafandi, Stj. 178; (hence barns-hafandi, being with child.)G. The word hafa is in the Icel., as in other Teut. languages, used as an auxiliary verb with a part. pass. of another verb, whereby a compound preterite and pluperfect are formed as follows:I. in transitive verbs with acc. the participle also was put in acc., agreeing in gender, number, and case with the objective noun or pronoun; this seems to have been a fixed rule in the earliest time, and is used so in all old poems down at least to the middle of the 11th century, to the time of Sighvat (circ. A. D. 990–1040), who constantly used the old form,—átt is an apostrophe for átta in the verse Ó. H. 81:1. references from poets, Gm. 5, 12, 16; þá er forðum mik fædda höfðu, Vsp. 2; hverr hefði lopt lævi blandit eðr ætt jötuns Óðs mey gefna, 29; þær’s í árdaga áttar höfðu, 60: ek hafða fengna konungs reiði, Ad. 3; en Grjótbjörn um gnegðan hefir, 18; mik hefir marr miklu ræntan, Stor. 10; þó hefir Míms-vinr mér um fengnar bölva bætr, 22: gaupur er Haraldr hafi sveltar, Hornklofi: Loka mær hefir leikinn allvald, Ýt. 7; sá hafði borinn brúna-hörg, 14; jarlar höfðu veginn hann, 15: ek hef orðinn ( found) þann guðföðr (verða is here used as trans.), Hallfred; höfum kera framðan, id.: hann hefir litnar, sénar, hár bárur, Ísl. ii. 223, thus twice in a verse of A. D. 1002; göngu hefik of gengna, Korm. (in a verse); hann hafði farna för, Hkr. i. (Glum Geirason); ek hefi talðar níu orustur, Sighvat; þú hefir vanðan þik, id.; ér hafit rekna þá braut, Ó. H. 63 (Óttar Svarti); hann hefir búnar okkr hendr skrautliga, Sighvat (Ó. H. 13); þeir hafa færð sín höfuð Knúti, id.; hvar hafit ér hugðan mér sess, id.; hafa sér kenndan enn nørðra heims enda, id.; Sighvatr hefir lattan gram, id.; hefir þú hamar um fólginn, Þkv. 7, 8; þú hefir hvatta okkr, Gkv. 6; ek hefi yðr brennda, Am. 39, cp. 56; hefi ek þik minntan, 81; hefir þú hjörtu tuggin, Akv. 36; hefir þú mik dvalðan, Hbl. 51; ek hefi hafðar þrár, I have had throes, Fsm. 51; en ek hann görvan hef-k, svá hefi ek studdan, 12 (verse 13 is corrupt); hann hefir dvalða þik, Hkv. Hjörv. 29; lostna, 30; mik hefir sóttan meiri glæpr, 32; ek hefi brúði kerna, id.; þú hefir etnar úlfa krásir, opt sár sogin, Hkv. 1. 36; sá er opt hefir örnu sadda, 35; hefir þú kannaða koni óneisa, 23; þá er mik svikna höfðut, Skv. 3. 55; hann hafði getna sonu, Bkv. 8; þann sal hafa halir um görvan, Fm. 42; bróður minn hefir þú benjaðan, 25; er hann ráðinn hefir, 37; sjaldan hefir þú gefnar vargi bráðir, Eg. (in a verse).2. references from prose; this old form has since been turned into an indecl. neut. sing. part. -it. The old form was first lost in the strong verbs and the weak verbs of the first conjugation: in the earliest prose both forms are used, although the indecl. is more freq. even in the prose writers, as Íb., the Heiðarv. S., the Miracle-book in Bs., Njála, Ó. H., (Thorodd seems only to use the old form,) as may be seen from the following references, Björn hafði særða þrjá menn, Nj. 262; hann mundi hana hafa gipta honum, 47; hann hafði þá leidda saman hestana, 264: ek hefi sendan mann, Ísl. (Heiðarv. S.) ii. 333; ek nefi senda menn, id.: hafa son sinn ór helju heimtan, Bs. (Miracle-book) i. 337; en er þeir höfðu niðr settan sveininn, 349; hann hafði veidda fimm tegu fiska, 350: er þér hefir ílla neisu gorva, Ó. H. 107: þá hefi ek fyrri setta þá í stafrófi, Skálda (Thorodd) 161; þar hefi ek við görva þessa stafi fjóra, id.; hafa hann samsettan, 167: góða fylgd hefir þú mér veitta, Þorst Síðu H. 2: sagði, at Ólafr konungr hafði sendan hann, Bs. i. 11: Þyri, er hertogi hafði festa nauðga, Fms. x. 393 (Ágrip): hefi ek þá svá signaða ok magnaða, v. 236: hefir sólin gengna tvá hluti, en einn úgenginn, K. Þ. K. 92 (Lund’s Syntax, p. 12).β. again, neut. indecl., hana hafði átt fyrr Þoróddr, Ísl. ii. 192: hón hafði heimt húskarl sinn …, Ísl. (Heiðarv. S.) ii. 339; hann hefir ekki svá vel gyrt hest minn, 340; hefir þú eigi séð mik, 341; hve hann hafði lokkat hann. id.; gistingar hefi ek yðr fengit, 343: þeir höfðu haft úfrið ok orrostur, Íb. 12; hann hafði tekið lögsögu, 14: stafr er átt hafði Þorlákr, Bs. (Miracle-book) i. 340; er þær höfðu upp tekit ketilinn ok hafit …, 342; göngu es hann hafði gingit, 344; es sleggjuna hafði niðr fellt, 346; sem maðr hefði nýsett (hana) niðr, id.; jartein þá er hann þóttisk fingit hafa, 347; hafði prestrinn fært fram sveininn, 349: hjálm er Hreiðmarr hafði átt, Edda 73: hafa efnt sína heitstrenging, Fms. (Jómsv. S.) xi. 141: slíkan dóm sem hann hafði mér hugat, Ó. H. 176, etc. passim:—at last the inflexion disappeared altogether, and so at the present time the indecl. neut. sing. is used throughout; yet it remains in peculiar instances, e. g. konu hefi eg mér festa, Luke xiv. 20, cp. Vídal. ii. 21. ☞ This use of the inflexive part. pass. may often serve as a test of the age of a poem, e. g. that Sólarljóð was composed at a later date may thus be seen from verses 27, 64, 72, 73, 75, 79; but this test is to be applied with caution, as the MSS. have in some cases changed the true forms (-inn, -ann, and -it, -an being freq. abbreviated in the MSS. so as to render the reading dubious). In many cases the old form is no doubt to be restored, e. g. in vegit to veginn, Fm. 4, 23; búit to búinn, Hkv. Hjörv. 15; borit to borinn, Hkv. 1. 1; beðit to beðinn, Fsm. 48; orðit to orðin, Og. 23; roðit to roðinn, Em. 5; brotið to brotinn, Vkv. 24, etc.: but are we to infer from Ls. 23, 26, 33, that this poem is of a comparatively late age?II. the indecl. neut. sing. is, both in the earliest poems and down to the present day, used in the following cases:1. with trans. verbs requiring the dat. or gen.; ek hefi fengit e-s, hann hafði fengit konu; hafa hefnt e-s, Fms. xi. 25; sú er hafði beðit fjár, Þkv. 32; stillir hefir stefnt mér, Hkv. Hjörv. 33, and so in endless cases.2. in the reflex. part. pass.; þeir (hann) hafa (hefir) látisk, farisk, sagsk, etc.3. in part. of intrans. neut. verbs, e. g. þeir þær (hann, hón), hafa (hefir) setið, staðit, gengit, legit, farit, komit, verit, orðit, lifað, dáit, heitið …, also almost in every line both of prose and poetry.4. in trans. verbs with a neut. sing. in objective case the difference cannot be seen.☞ The compound preterite is common to both the Romance and Teutonic languages, and seems to be older in the former than in the latter; Grimm suggests that it originated with the French, and thence spread to the Teutons. That it was not natural to the latter is shewn by the facts, thatα. no traces of it are found in Gothic, nor in the earliest Old High German glossaries to Latin words.β. in the earliest Scandinavian poetry we can trace its passage from declinable to indeclinable.γ. remains are left in poetry of a primitive uncompounded preterite infinitive, e. g. stóðu = hafa staðit, mundu, skyldu, vildu, etc., see Gramm. p. xxv, col. 2. ☞ We may here note a curious dropping of the verb hefir, at ek em kominn hingat til lands, ok verit áðr ( having been) langa hríð utan-lands, Ó. H. 31, cp. Am. 52; barn at aldri, en vegit slíka hetju sem Þorvaldr var, Glúm. 382. On this interesting matter see Grimm’s remarks in his Gramm. iv. 146 sqq. -
6 GÖRA
ð, also spelt görva, giörva, geyra, giora, gera: prop. gøra, not gra (the ø was sounded nearly as y or ey), so that the g is to be sounded as an aspirate, however the word is spelt; and the insertion of i or j (giöra, gjöra), which is usual in mod. writing, and often occurs in old, is phonetic, not radical, and göra and gjöra represent the same sound. The word in the oldest form had a characteristic v, and is spelt so on the Runic stones in the frequent Runic phrase, gaurva kubl, Baut., and Danske Runemind. passim; but also now and then in old Icel. MSS., e. g. the Kb. of Sæm. (cited from Bugge’s Edit.), gorva, Am. 75, Skv. 1. 34, 3. 20, Hm. 123, Og. 29; gerva, Am. 64, Bkv. 3; giorva, Rm. 9; giorfa, 28; gorvir, Hkv. Hjörv. 41; gørvom, Hým. 6; gorviz, Am. 35; gerviz, Merl. 2. 89:—this characteristic v has since been dropped, and it is usually spelt without it in MSS., gora, Hým. 1, Og. 23, Ls. 65; gera, Am. 85; gorir, Hm. 114: the pret. always drops the v, gorþi, Hym. 21; gorðo or gorþo, fecerunt, Hm. 142, Am. 9; gorðumz, Hðm. 28; gerþi, Am. 74; gerþit, 26:—with i inserted, Rm. 9, 22; giordu, 11; in the Mork. freq. giavra. The ö is still sounded in the east of Icel., whereas gera is the common form in speech, gjöra in writing:—the old pres. indic. used by the poets and in the laws is monosyllabic görr, with suffixed negative, görr-a, Hkr. i. (in a verse); mod. bisyllabic görir, which form is also the usual one in the Sagas:—the old part. pass. was görr or gerr, geyrr, Fms. ix. 498, x. 75, where the v was kept before a vowel, and is often spelt with f, gorvan, gorvir, and gorfan, gorfir: dat. so-goro or so-guru adverbially = sic facto: the mod. part. gjörðr, gerðr, görðr, as a regular part. of the 2nd weak conjugation, which form occurs in MSS. of the 15th century, e. g. Bs. i. 877, l. 21. [This is a Scandin. word; Dan. gjöre; Swed. göra; Old Engl. and Scot. gar, which is no doubt of Scandin. origin, the Saxon word being do, the Germ. thun, neither of which is used in the Scandin.; the word however is not unknown to the Teut., though used in a different sense; A. S. gervan and gearvjan = parare; O. H. G. karwan; Germ. gerben, garben, but esp. the adj. and adv. gar, vide above s. v. gör-.] To make, to do; the Icel. includes both these senses.A. To make:I. to build, work, make, etc.; göra himin ok jörð, 623. 36, Hom. 100; göra hús, to build a house, Fms. xi. 4, Rb. 384; göra kirkju, Bjarn. 39; göra skip, N. G. L. i. 198; göra langskip, Eg. 44; göra stólpa, Al. 116; göra tól (= smíða), Vsp. 7; göra (fingr)-gull, Bs. i. 877; göra haug, to build a cairn, Eg. 399; göra lokhvílu, Dropl. 27; göra dys, Ld. 152; göra kistu ( coffin), Eg. 127; göra naust, N. G. L. i. 198; göra jarðhús, Dropl. 34; göra veggi, Eg. 724: also, göra bók, to write a book, Íb. 1, Rb. 384; göra kviðling, to make a song, Nj. 50; göra bréf, to draw up a deed ( letter), Fms. ix. 22; göra nýmæli, to frame a law, Íb. 17.2. adding prep.; göra upp, to repair, rebuild, restore, Fb. ii. 370; göra upp Jórsala-borg, Ver. 43; göra upp skála, Ld. 298; göra upp leiði, to build up a grave.II. to make, prepare, get ready; göra veizlu, drykkju, brúðkaup, erfi, and poët. öl, öldr, to make a feast, brew bridal ale, Fs. 23, Fms. xi. 156, Dropl. 6, Am. 86; göra seið, blót, to perform a sacrifice, Ld. 152; göra bú, to set up a house, Grág. i. 185, Ld. 68; göra eld, to make a fire, Fs. 100, K. Þ. K. 88; göra rekkju, to make one’s bed, Eg. 236; göra upp hvílur, Sturl. ii. 124; göra graut, to make porridge, Eg. 196, N. G. L. i. 349; göra drykk, to make a drink, Fms. i. 8; göra kol, or göra til kola, to make charcoal, Ölk. 35.III. in somewhat metaph. phrases; göra ferð, to make a journey, Fms. x. 281; görði heiman för sína, he made a journey from home, Eg. 23; göra sinn veg, to make one’s way, travel, Mar.; göra uppreisn, to make an uprising, to rebel, Rb. 384, Fms. ix. 416; göra úfrið, to make war, 656 C. 15; göra sátt, göra frið, to make peace, Hom. 153, Bs. i. 24; göra féskipti, Nj. 118; göra tilskipan, to make an arrangement, Eg. 67; göra ráð sitt, to make up one’s mind, Nj. 267, Fms. ix. 21; göra hluti, to cast lots, Fms. x. 348.2. to make, give, pay, yield; göra tíund, to pay tithes, Hom. 180; hann skal göra Guði tíunda hlut verðsins, id.; göra ölmusu, to give alms, 64; göra ávöxt, to yield fruit, Greg. 48; gefa né göra ávöxt, Stj. 43; göra konungi skatt eða skyld, Fms. xi. 225.3. to contract; göra vináttu, félagskap, to contract friendship, Nj. 103, Eg. 29; göra skuld, to contract a debt, Grág. i. 126: göra ráð með e-m, to take counsel with, advise one, Eg. 12; göra ráð fyrir, to suppose, Nj. 103, Fms. ix. 10; göra mun e-s, to make a difference, i. 255, Eb. 106.4. to make, make up, Lat. efficere; sex tigir penninga göra eyri, sixty pence make an ounce, Grág. i. 500, Rb. 458.5. to grant, render; göra kost, to make a choice, to grant, Nj. 130, Dropl. 6, Fms. xi. 72, (usually ellipt., kostr being understood); vil ek at þér gerit kostinn, Nj. 3; ok megit þér fyrir því göra ( grant) honum kostinn, 49, 51; göra e-m lög, to grant the law to one, 237; göra guðsifjar, to make ‘gossip’ with one, to be one’s godfather, Fms. ii. 130.6. special usages; göra spott, háð, gabb, … at e-u, to make sport, gibes, etc. at or over a thing, Fms. x. 124; göra iðran, to do penance, Greg. 22; göra þakkir, to give thanks, Hom. 55; göra róm at máli e-s, to cheer another’s speech, shout hear, hear! var görr at máli hans mikill rómr ok góðr, his speech was much cheered, Nj. 250,—a parliamentary term; the Teutons cheered, the Romans applauded (with the hands), cp. Tacit. Germ.7. with prepp.; gera til, to make ready or dress meat; láta af ( to kill) ok göra til ( and dress), K. Þ. K. 80, Ísl. ii. 83, 331, Fs. 146, 149, Bjarn. 31, Finnb. 228; göra til nyt, to churn milk, K. Þ. K. 78; göra til sverð, to wash and clean the sword, Dropl. 19; máttu þeir eigi sjá, hversu Þorvaldr var til gerr, how Th. got a dressing, Nj. 19.β. göra at e-u, to mend, make good, put right (at-görð), ek skal at því gera, Fms. xi. 153, Eg. 566, Nj. 130: to heal, Bárð. 171, Eg. 579, Grág. i. 220; göra at hesti, K. Þ. K. 54, Nj. 74: göra við e-u, vide B. II.8. adding acc. of an adj., part., or the like; göra mun þat margan höfuðlausan, Nj. 203; göra mikit um sik, to make a great noise, great havoc, Fb. i. 545, Grett. 133, Fms. x. 329; göra e-n sáttan, to reconcile one, Grág. i. 336; göra sér e-n kæran, to make one dear to oneself, Hkr. i. 209; göra sik líkan e-m, to make oneself like to another, imitate one, Nj. 258; göra sik góðan, to make oneself good or useful, 74, 78; göra sik reiðan, to take offence, 216; göra sér dælt, to make oneself at home, take liberties, Ld. 134, Nj. 216; göra langmælt, to make a long speech, Sks. 316; göra skjót-kjörit, to make a quick choice, Fms. ii. 79; göra hólpinn, to ‘make holpen,’ to help, x. 314; göra lögtekit, to make a law, issue a law, xi. 213, Bs. i. 37; hann gerði hann hálshöggvinn, he had him beheaded, Fms. ix. 488, v. l.; ok görðu þá handtekna alla at minsta kosti, Sturl. i. 40; várir vöskustu ok beztu menn era görfir handteknir, 41.β. göra sér mikit um e-t, to make much of, admire, Eg. 5, Fms. x. 254, 364; göra e-t at ágætum, to make famous, extol a thing, vii. 147; göra at orðum, to notice as remarkable, Fas. i. 123; göra at álitum, to take into consideration, Nj. 3; göra sér úgetið at e-u, to be displeased with, Ld. 134; göra vart við sik, to make one’s presence noticed, Eg. 79; göra sér mikit, lítið fyrir, to make great, small efforts, Finnb. 234; göra sér í hug, to brood over; hann gerði sér í hug at drepa jarl, Fs. 112; göra sér í hugar lund, to fancy, think: göra af sér, to exert oneself, ef þú gerir eigi meira af þér um aðra leika, Edda 32; hvárt hann var með Eiríki jarli, eðr görði hann annat af sér, or what else he was making of himself, Fms. xi. 157.9. phrases, gera fáleika á sik, to feign, make oneself look sad, Nj. 14; esp. adding upp, gera sér upp veyki, to feign sickness, (upp-gerð, dissimulation); göra sér til, to make a fuss, (hence, til-gerð, foppishness.)B. To do:I. to do, act; allt þat er hann gerir síðan ( whatever he does), þat á eigandi at ábyrgjask, Gþl. 190; þér munut fátt mæla eðr gera, áðr yðr munu vandræði af standa, i. e. whatsoever you say or do will bring you into trouble, Nj. 91; göra e-t með harðfengi ok kappi, 98; ger svá vel, ‘do so well,’ be so kind! 111; gerit nú svá, góði herra (please, dear lord!), þiggit mitt heilræði, Fms. vii. 157: and in mod. usage, gerið þér svo vel, gerðu svo vel, = Engl. please, do! sagði, at hann hafði með trúleik gört, done faithfully, Eg. 65; göra gott, to do good; göra íllt, to do evil, (góð-görð, íll-görð); ok þat var vel gört, well done, 64; geyrða ek hotvetna íllt, I did evil in all things, Niðrst. 109; hefir hann marga hluti gört stór-vel til mín, he has done many things well towards me, I have received many great benefits at his hands, Eg. 60: with dat., svá mikit gott sem jarl hefir mér gert, Nj. 133; þér vilda ek sízt íllt göra, I would least do harm to thee, 84: göra fúlmennsku, to do a mean act, 185; göra vel við e-n, to do well to one, Fs. 22; göra stygð við e-n, to offend one, Fms. x. 98; göra sæmiliga til e-s, to do well to one, Ld. 62, Nj. 71; göra sóma e-s, to do honour to one, Fms. vii. 155; göra e-m gagn, to give help to one, Nj. 262; göra e-m sæmd, skomm, to do ( shew) honour, dishonour, to one, 5, Fms. x. 43; göra háðung, xi. 152; göra styrk, to strengthen one, ix. 343; göra e-m skapraun, to tease one; göra ósóma, Vápn. 19; göra skaða ( scathe), Eg. 426; göra óvina-fagnað, to give joy to one’s enemies, i. e. to do just what they want one to do, Nj. 112; göra til skaps e-m, to conform to one’s wishes, 80; gerum vér sem faðir vár vill, let us do as our father wishes, 198; vel má ek gera þat til skaps föður míns at brenna inni með honum, id.; göra at skapi e-s, id., 3; var þat mjök gert móti mínu skapi, Fms. viii. 300; gera til saka við e-n, to offend, sin against one, Nj. 80; gera á hluta e-s, to wrong one, Vígl. 25; göra ílla fyrir sér, to behave badly, Fms. vii. 103.II. adding prep.; göra til e-s, to deserve a thing (cp. til-görð, desert, behaviour); hvat hafðir þú til gört, what hast thou done to deserve it? Nj. 130; framarr en ek hefi til gört, more than I have deserved, Fms. viii. 300; ok hafit þér Danir heldr til annars gört, ye Danes have rather deserved the reverse, xi. 192, Hom. 159:—göra eptir, to do after, imitate, Nj. 90:—göra við e-u (cp. við-görð, amendment), to provide for, amend, ok mun úhægt vera at göra við forlögum þeirra, Ld. 190; er úhægt at göra við ( to resist) atkvæðum, Fs. 22; ok mun ekki mega við því gera, Nj. 198:—göra af við e-n (cp. af-görð, evil doing), to transgress against one, ek hefi engan hlut af gört við þik, Fms. vii. 104, viii. 241; ok iðrask nú þess er hann hefir af gert, 300; göra af við Guð, to sin against God, Hom. 44.2. special usages; göra … at, to do so and so; spurði, hvat hann vildi þá láta at gera, he asked what he would have done, Nj. 100; hann gerði þat eina at, er hann átti, he did only what be ought, 220; þeir Flosi sátu um at rengja, ok gátu ekki at gert, F. tried, and could do nothing, 115, 242; þér munut ekki fá at gert, fyrr en …, 139; Flosi ok hans menn fengu ekki at gert, 199; mikit hefir þú nú at gert, much hast thou now done ( it is a serious matter), 85; er nú ok mikit at gert um manndráp siðan, 256; hann vildi taka vöru at láni, ok göra mikit at, and do great things, Ld. 70; Svartr hafði höggit skóg ok gert mikit at, Nj. 53; slíkt gerir at er sölin etr, so it happens with those who eat seaweed, i. e. that (viz. thirst) comes of eating seaweed, Eg. 605.β. göra af e-u, to do so and so with a thing; hvat hafið ér gert af Gunnari, Njarð. 376; ráð þú draumana, vera má at vér gerim af nokkut, may be that we may make something out of it, Ld. 126; gör af drauminum slíkt er þér þykkir líkligast, do with the dream ( read it) as seems to thee likeliest, Ísl. ii. 196: göra við e-n, to do with one; þá var um rætt, hvað við þá skyldi göra, what was to be done with them? Eg. 232; ærnar eru sakir til við Egil, hvat sem eg læt göra við hann, 426; eigi veit ek hvat þeir hafa síðan við gört, 574: göra fyrir e-t, to provide; Jón var vel fjáreigandi, ok at öllu vel fyrir gört, a wealthy and well-to-do man, Sturl. iii. 195; þótt Björn sé vel vígr maðr, þá er þar fyrir gört, því at …, but that is made up, because …: fyrir göra (q. v.), to forfeit.C. METAPH. AND SPECIAL USAGES:I. to do, help, avail; nú skulum vér ganga allir á vald jarlsins, því at oss gerir eigi annat, nothing else will do for us, Nj. 267; þat mun ekki gera, that wont do, 84; en ek kann ekki ráð til at leggja ef þetta gerir ekki, Fms. ii. 326; konungr vill þat eigi, þvi at mér gerir þat eigi ( it will not do for me) at þér gangit hér upp, x. 357; þat gerir mér ekki, at þér gangit á Orminn, … en hitt má vera at mér komi at gagni, ii. 227; þóttisk þá vita, at honum mundi ekki gera ( it would do nothing) at biðja fyrir honum, Fb. i. 565; engum gerði við hann at keppa, 571; ekki gerði þeim um at brjótask, Bárð. 10 new Ed.; sagða ek yðr eigi, at ekki mundi gera at leita hans, Sks. 625; hvat gerir mér nú at spyrja, Stj. 518; ekki gerir at dylja, no use hiding it, Fbr. 101 new Ed.; ætla þat at fáir þori, enda geri engum, Band. 7; bæði var leitað til annarra ok heima, ok gerði ekki, but did no good, 4; hét hann þeim afarkostum, ok gerði þat ekki, but it did no good, Fms. ii. 143.II. to send, despatch, cp. the Engl. to ‘do’ a message; hann gerði þegar menn frá sér, Eg. 270; hann hafði gört menn sex á skóginn fyrir þá, 568; þá gerði Karl lið móti þeim, Fms. i. 108; jarl gerði Eirík at leita Ribbunga, ix. 314; hann gerði fram fyrir sik Álf á njósn, 488; hann gerði menn fyrir sér at segja konunginum kvámu sína, x. 10; hleypi-skúta var gör norðr til Þrándheims, vii. 206; jafnan gerði jarl til Ribbunga ok drap menn af þeim, ix. 312; vilja Ósvífrs-synir þegar gera til þeirra Kotkels, despatch them to slay K., Ld. 144; skulu vér nú göra í mót honum, ok láta hann engri njósn koma, 242:—göra eptir e-m, to send after one, Nero bað göra eptir postulunum ok leiða þangat, 656 C. 26; nú verðr eigi eptir gört at miðjum vetri, Grág. i. 421; frændr Bjarnar létu göra eptir (Germ. abholen) líki hans, Bjarn. 69; síðan gerðu þeir til klaustrs þess er jómfrúin var í, Fms. x. 102:—gera e-m orð, njósn, to do a message to one; hann gerði orð jörlum sínum, Eg. 270; ætluðu þeir at göra Önundi njósn um ferðir Egils, 386, 582; vóru þangat orð gör, word was sent thither, Hkr. ii. 228.III. with infin. as an auxiliary verb, only in poetry and old prose (laws); ef hón gerði koma, if she did come, Völ. 5; gerðit vatn vægja, Am. 25; gramr gørr-at sér hlífa, he does not spare himself, Hkr. i. (in a verse); gerðut vægjask, id., Fs. (in a verse); hann gerðisk at höggva, Jb. 41; görðir at segja, Bkv. 15; görðisk at deyja, Gkv. 1. 1: in prose, eigi gerir hugr minn hlægja við honum, Fas. i. 122; góðir menn göra skýra sitt mál með sannsögli, 677. 12; Aristodemus görði eigi enn at trúa, Post.: esp. in the laws, ef þeir göra eigi ganga í rúm sín, Grág. i. 8; ef goðinn gerr eigi segja, 32; ef hann gerr eigi í ganga, 33; ef þeir göra eigi hluta meðr sér, 63; ef dómendr göra eigi dæma, 67; ef dómendr göra eigi við at taka, id.; ef goðinn gerr eigi ( does not) nefna féráns-dóm, 94; nú göra þeir menn eigi úmaga færa, 86; ef þeir göra eigi nefna kvöðina af búanum, Kb. ii. 163; ef þeir göra eigi segja, hvárt …, Sb. ii. 52; nú gerr sá eigi til fara, Kb. ii. 96; göra eigi koma, 150; ef hann gerr eigi kjósa, § 113.IV. a law term, göra um, or gera only, to judge or arbitrate in a case; fékksk þat af, at tólf menn skyldu göra um málit, Nj. 111; villt þú göra um málit, 21; bjóða mun ek at göra um, ok lúka upp þegar görðinni, 77; mun sá mála-hluti várr beztr, at góðir menn geri um, 88; málin vóru lagið í gerð, skyldu gera um tólf menn, var þá gert um málin á þingi, var þat gert, at … (follows the verdict), 88; vil ek at þú sættisk skjótt ok látir góða menn gera um …, at hann geri um ok enir beztu menn af hvárra liði lögliga til nefndir, 188; Njáll kvaðsk eigi gera mundu nema á þingi, 105; þeir kváðusk þat halda mundu, er hann gerði, id.; skaltú gera sjálfr, 58; fyrr en gert var áðr um hitt málit, 120; ek vil bjóðask til at göra milli ykkar Þórðar um mál yðar, Bjarn. 55; Þorsteinn kvað þat þó mundi mál manna, at þeir hefði góða nefnd um sættir þótt hann görði, 56; nú er þegar slegit í sætt málinu með því móti, at Áskell skal göra um þeirra í milli, Rd. 248; er nú leitað um sættir milli þeirra, ok kom svá at þeir skulu göra um málin Þorgeirr goði frá Ljósa-vatni ok Arnórr ór Reykjahlíð, sú var görð þeirra at …, 288; svá kemr at Ljótr vill at Skapti görði af hans hendi, en Guðmundr vill sjálfr göra fyrir sína hönd, skyldi Skapti gerð upp segja, Valla L. 225; eigi hæfir þat, leitum heldr um sættir ok geri Þorgeirr um mál þessi, Lv. 12; var jafnt gört sár Þórðar ok sár Þórodds, Eb. 246; þær urðu mála-lyktir at Þórðr skyldi göra um …, 24; ok vóru þá görvar miklar fésektir, 128; var leitað um sættir, ok varð þat at sætt, at þeir Snorri ok Steindórr skyldi göra um, 212; þit erut gerfir héraðs-sekir sem íllræðis-menn, Fs. 58: göra görð, Sturl. i. 63, 105: adding the fine, to fix the amount, þat er gerð mín, at ek geri verð húss ok matar, I fix the amount of the value of the house and (stolen) stores, Nj. 80; gerði Njáll hundrað silfrs, N. put it at a hundred silver pieces, 58; margir mæltu, at mikit vaeri gert, that the amount was high, id.; slíkt fégjald sem gert var, 120; vilit ér nokkut héraðs-sektir göra eða utanferðir, 189; hann dæmdi þegar, ok görði hundrað silfrs, 6l; síðan bauð Bjarni Þorkatli sætt ok sjálfdæmi, görði Bjarni hundrað silfrs, Vápn. 31; ek göri á hönd Þóri hundrað silfrs, Lv. 55; ek göri á hönd þér hundrað silfrs, id.; vilit þér, at ek göra millum ykkar? síðan görði konungr konuna til handa Þórði ok öll fé hennar, Bjarn. 17; Rafn kvað hann mikit fé annat af sér hafa gört, at eigi þætti honum þat betra, Fs. 30; Gellir görði átta hundrað silfrs, Lv. 97; fyrir þat gerði Börkr hinn digri af honum eyjarnar, B. took the isles from him as a fine, Landn. 123: adding the case as object, Gunnarr gerði gerðina, G. gave judgment in the case, Nj. 80; fyrr en gert var áðr um hitt málit, till the other case was decided, 120; þá sætt er hann görði Haraldi jarli, that settlement which he made for earl Harold, Fms. viii. 300: Flosi var görr utan ok allir brennu-menn, F. was put out ( banished) and all the burners, Nj. 251: metaph., nema þau vili annat mál á gera, unless they choose to settle it otherwise, Grág. i. 336.2. in the phrase, göra sekð, to make a case of outlawry, Grág. i. 118; eigi um görir sekð manns ella, else the outlawry takes no effect; en hann um görir eigi ella sekðina, else he cannot condemn him, 119.3. to perform; eptir-gerðar þeirrar sem hverr nennti framast at gera eptir sinn náung, Fms. viii. 103; en þat grunaði konung, at hann mundi ætla at göra eptir sumar sættir, i. e. that he had some back door to escape by, Orkn. 58 (cp. Ó. H.); allt þat er þér gerit nú fyrir þeirra sálum, id.V. special usages, to make allowance for; gera fóðr til fjár, to make an arbitrary allowance for, Ísl. ii. 138; hence, to suppose, en ef ek skal göra til fyrir fram ( suggest) hvat er hón (the code) segir mér, þá segi ek svá, at …, Fms. ix. 331; gera sér í hug, Fs. 112; göra sér í hugar-lund, to fancy; göra e-m getsakir, to impute to one; gera orð á e-u, to report a thing; þat er ekki orð á því geranda, ‘tis not worth talking about; eigi þarf orð at göra hjá því (‘tis not to be denied), sjálfan stólkonunginn blindaði hann, Mork. 14 (cp. Fms. vi. 168, l. c.); gera sér létt, to take a thing lightly, Am. 70; göra sér far um, to take pains; göra sér í hug, hugar-lund, to suppose.D. IMPERS. it makes one so and so, one becomes; hann görði fölvan í andliti, he turned pale, Glúm. 342; leysti ísinn ok görði varmt vatnið, the water became warm, 623. 34; veðr görði hvast, a gale arose, Eg. 128; hríð mikla gerði at þeim, they were overtaken by a storm, 267; þá gerði ok á hríð (acc.) veðrs, 281; féll veðrit ok gerði logn (acc.), and became calm, 372; görði þá stórt á firðinum, the sea rose high, 600; til þess er veðr lægði ok ljóst gerði, and till it cleared up, 129; um nóttina gerði á æði-veðr ok útsynning, 195; görir á fyrir þeim hafvillur, they lost their course (of sailors), Finnb. 242; mér gerir svefnhöfugt, I grow sleepy, Nj. 264; þá görði vetr mikinn þar eptir hinn næsta, Rd. 248.E. REFLEX, to become, grow, arise, and the like; þá görðisk hlátr, then arose laughter, Nj. 15; görðisk bardagi, it came to a fight, 62, 108; sá atburðr görðisk, it came to pass, Fms. x. 279; þau tíðendi er þar höfðu görzt, Ld. 152; gerðisk með þeim félagskapr, they entered into fellowship, Eg. 29; gerðisk svá fallit kaup, Dipl. ii. 10; Sigurðr konungr gerðisk ( grew up to be) ofstopa-maðr …, görðisk mikill maðr ok sterkr, Fms. vii. 238; hann görðisk brátt ríkr maðr ok stjórnsamr, xi. 223; Unnr görðisk þá mjök elli-móð, U. became worn with age, Ld. 12; sár þat er at ben görðisk, a law term, a wound which amounted to a bleeding wound, Nj. passim:—to be made, to become, görask konungr, to become king, Eg. 12; ok görðisk skáld hans, and became his skáld, 13; görðisk konungs hirðmaðr, 27; görask hans eigin-kona, to become his wedded wife, Fms. i. 3; at hann skyldi görask hálf-konungr yfir Dana-veldi, 83; vill Hrútr görask mágr þinn, Nj. 3; hann gerðisk síðan óvarari, he became less cautious, Fms. x. 414.2. with the prep. svá, to happen, come to pass so and so; svá görðisk, at …, it so happened, that …, Nj. 167; görðisk svá til, at …, Fms. x. 391; þá görðisk svá til um síðir, at…, at last it came to pass. that …, 392; enda vissi hann eigi, at þingför mundi af görask, in case he knew not that it would entail a journey to parliament, Grág. i. 46: with at added, to increase, þá görðisk þat mjök at um jarl ( it grew even worse with the earl) at hann var úsiðugr um kvenna-far, görðisk þat svá mikit, at …, it grew to such a pitch, that …, Hkr. i. 245; hence the mod. phrase, e-ð á-görist, it increases, gains, advances, esp. of illness, bad habits, and the like, never in a good sense.3. impers. with dat., honum gerðisk ekki mjök vært, he felt restless, Ld. 152; næsta gerisk mér kynlegt, I feel uneasy, Finnb. 236.4. to behave, bear oneself; Páll görðisk hraustliga í nafni Jesu, Post. 656 C. 13.5. to set about doing, be about; fám vetrum síðan görðisk hann vestr til Íslands, Fms. x. 415; maðr kom at honum ok spurði, hvat hann gerðisk, what he was about, Ó. H. 244; görðisk jarl til Ribbunga, Fms. ix. 312, v. l.; tveir menn görðusk ferðar sinnar, two men set out for a journey, x. 279; görðusk menn ok eigi til þess at sitja yfir hlut hans, Eg. 512; at þessir menn hafa görzk til svá mikils stórræðis, Fms. xi. 261; eigi treystusk menn at görask til við hann, Bárð. 160.6. (mod.) to be; in such phrases as, eins og menn nú gerast, such as people now are; eins og flestir menn gerast.F. PART. PASS. görr, geyrr (Fms. ix. 498, x. 75), gjörr, gerr, as adj., compar. görvari, superl. görvastr; [A. S. gearu; gare, Chaucer, Percy’s Ballads; O. H. G. garwe; Germ. gar]:—skilled, accomplished; vaskligr, at sér görr, Ld. 134; vel at sér görr, Ísl. ii. 326, Gísl. 14; gerr at sér um allt, Nj. 51; hraustir ok vel at sér görvir, Eg. 86; at engi maðr hafi gervari at sér verit en Sigurðr, Mork. 221; allra manna snjallastr í máli ok görvastr at sér, Hkr. iii. 360: the phrase, leggja görva hönd á e-t, to set a skilled hand to work, to be an adept, a master in a thing; svá hagr, at hann lagði allt á görva hönd, Fas. i. 391, (á allt görva hönd, iii. 195.)2. ready made, at hand; in the saying, gott er til geyrs (i. e. görs, not geirs) at taka, ‘tis good to have a thing at hand, Hkm. 17; ganga til görs, to have it ready made for one, Ld. 96; gör gjöld, prompt punishment, Lex. Poët.:—with infin., gerr at bjóða, ready to offer, Gh. 17; gervir at eiskra, in wild spirits, Hom. 11; görvar at ríða, Vsp. 24: with gen. of the thing, gerr ílls hugar, prone to evil, Hým. 9; gerr galdrs, prone to sorcery, Þd. 3; skulut þess görvir, be ready for that! Am. 55.II. [cp. görvi, Engl. gear], done, dressed; svá görvir, so ‘geared,’ so trussed, Am. 40.III. adverb. phrases, so-gurt, at soguru, so done; verða menn þat þó so-gurt at hafa, i. e. there is no redress to be had, Hrafn. 9; hafi hann so-gurt, N. G. L. i. 35, Nj. 141; kvað eigi so-gort duga, 123, v. l.; at (með) so-guru, this done, quo facto, Skv. 1. 24, 40; freq. with a notion of being left undone, re infecta. Germ. unverrichteter sache, Eg. 155, Glúm. 332, Ó. H. 202; enda siti um so-gort, and now let it stand, Skálda 166; við so-gurt, id., 655 vii. 4; á so-gurt ofan, into the bargain, Bs. i. 178, Ölk. 36, Fas. i. 85. -
7 sollevare
liftproblema, obiezione bring up* * *sollevare v.tr.1 to lift; to raise (anche fig.): sollevare un peso, to lift (o to raise) a weight; la tempesta sollevò onde altissime, the storm raised high waves; l'automobile sollevò una nuvola di polvere, the car raised a cloud of dust; lo sollevò da terra come una piuma, he lifted it as if it were a feather; questa gru può sollevare 20 tonnellate, this crane can lift 20 tons; sollevare il capo, lo sguardo, le braccia, to raise one's head, one's eyes, one's arms; sollevare le spalle, to shrug one's shoulders; sollevare qlcu. dalla miseria, to raise s.o. from poverty // sollevare il morale a qlcu., to boost (o to raise) s.o.'s morale // sollevare una preghiera a Dio, to raise a prayer to God // sollevare qlcu. di peso, (fig.) to give s.o. a severe telling off2 (fig.) ( dar sollievo a) to relieve; to comfort: questa notizia mi ha sollevato molto, this news has been a great relief to me; sollevare gli afflitti, gli infermi, to comfort the afflicted, the sick; un po' di riposo ti solleverà, some rest will revive you3 ( liberare) to release: sollevare qlcu. da un impegno, una promessa, to release s.o. from a task, a promise; sollevare qlcu. da un peso, to take a weight off s.o. // sollevare qlcu. da un incarico, ( licenziarlo) to relieve s.o. of a position5 ( far insorgere) to raise, to stir up: sollevare il paese, il popolo contro qlcu., to stir up (o to raise) the country, the people against s.o.; sollevare un putiferio, to raise a riot.◘ sollevarsi v.rifl. o intr.pron.1 to rise*; to arise* (gener. fig.): il pallone si sollevò in aria, the balloon rose into the air; l'aereo si sollevò dalla pista, the plane took off from the runway; si sollevò una nube di polvere, a cloud of dust rose; il vento si sollevò improvvisamente, the wind rose suddenly; si sollevò una disputa, a quarrel arose2 ( riaversi, riprendersi) to recover, to get* over (sthg.): dopo la morte di suo padre non si sollevò più, he never got over his father's death; non si sollevò più da quella malattia, he never recovered from (o got over) that illness3 ( insorgere) to rise*: l'intero paese si era sollevato contro l'invasore, the whole country had risen against the invaders.* * *[solle'vare]1. vtsollevare da terra — to lift up, lift off the ground
2) (fig : dar conforto) to comfort, cheer up3)4) (fig : folla) to rouse, stir up, stir (to revolt)2. vip (sollevarsi)1) (persona) to get upsollevati un po' — (dal letto) sit up a little, (da una sedia) stand up a minute
sollevarsi da terra — (persona) to get up from the ground, (aereo) to take off
2) (vento, polvere) to rise, (nebbia) to lift, clear3) (fig : riprendersi) to feel better, recoversollevarsi da qc — (malattia, spavento) to get over sth
4) (fig : truppe, popolo) to rise up, rebel* * *[solle'vare] 1.verbo transitivo1) (alzare) [ persona] to lift, to raise [oggetto, peso]; to put* up, to raise [braccio, mano]; to lift up [ testa]; to pick up [ ricevitore]; [ vento] to whip up, to stir up [foglie, carte]; to raise [ polvere]; (issare) to hoist; (con il cric) to jack upsollevare il morale a qcn. — fig. to lift o raise sb.'s spirits
2) (alleggerire) to relieve; (esonerare) to relieve, to dismisssollevare qcn. da un incarico — to relieve sb. of a post
3) (avanzare, porre) to raise [problemi, obiezioni]; to begin* [ dibattito]sollevare dubbi su qcs. — to cast o throw doubt about sth
4) (suscitare) to arouse [scandalo, polemiche]5) (spingere alla ribellione) to stir up [folla, popolo]6) (confortare) to relieve, to comfort2.mi ha sollevato sapere che... — it was a relief to me to hear that
verbo pronominale sollevarsi3) (ribellarsi) to rise* up, to revolt* * *sollevare/solle'vare/ [1]1 (alzare) [ persona] to lift, to raise [oggetto, peso]; to put* up, to raise [braccio, mano]; to lift up [ testa]; to pick up [ ricevitore]; [ vento] to whip up, to stir up [foglie, carte]; to raise [ polvere]; (issare) to hoist; (con il cric) to jack up; sollevare il morale a qcn. fig. to lift o raise sb.'s spirits2 (alleggerire) to relieve; (esonerare) to relieve, to dismiss; mi sollevi da un gran peso you've relieved me of a great burden; sollevare qcn. da un incarico to relieve sb. of a post3 (avanzare, porre) to raise [problemi, obiezioni]; to begin* [ dibattito]; sollevare dubbi su qcs. to cast o throw doubt about sth.4 (suscitare) to arouse [scandalo, polemiche]5 (spingere alla ribellione) to stir up [folla, popolo]6 (confortare) to relieve, to comfort; mi ha sollevato sapere che... it was a relief to me to hear that...II sollevarsi verbo pronominale3 (ribellarsi) to rise* up, to revolt. -
8 HINN
* * *I)(hin, hitt), dem. pron.1) the other; á hinn fótinn, on the other leg; pl. the others, the rest (Kimbi bar sár sín engan mun betr en hinir);2) emphatically, that; hitt ek hugða, that was what I thought; hitt vil ek vita, that I want to know.(hin, hit), def. art., before an adjective standing alone or followed by a substantive, the, = inn, enn( eptir hinni eystri kvísl).* * *1.HIN, HIT, the article, an enclitic, which therefore can never serve as an accentuated syllable in a verse, either as rhyme or in alliteration. In good old MSS. (e. g. Cod. Reg. of Sæm.) it is hardly ever spelt with the aspirate, but is written inn, in, it or ið, or enn, en, et or eð, and thus distinguished from the demonstr. pron. hinn; but in the Editions the prob. spurious aspirate has been generally prefixed: an indecl. inu or hinu occurs often in later MSS. of the 14th century, e. g. the Fb.; but as it has not been heard of since and is unknown in the modern language, it simply seems to be a Norwegianism, thus, inu sömu orð, Th. 2; hinnu fyrri biskupa (gen. pl.), H. E. ii. 79; enu instu luti ( res intimas), Hom. 57 (Norse MS.); hinu ágæztu menn (nom. pl.), id.; innu óargu dýra, 657 A. ii. 12: [cp. Goth. jains = ἐκεινος; A. S. geond; Engl. yon; Germ. jener.]A. The:I. preceding the noun:1. before an adjective standing alone or followed by a substantive; inn mæri, inn ríki, inn dimmi dreki, inn mikli mögr, Vsp.; in aldna, id.; inn góða mjöð, the good mead, Gm. 13; inn mæra mjöð, Skm. 16; inn helga mjöð, Sdm. 18; in forna fold, Hým. 24; in fríða frilla, 30; inn fróði jötum, Vþm. 20; inn gamli þulr, 9; inn hára þul, Fm. 34; inn fráni ormr, 19; opt inn betri bilar þá er inn verri vegr, Hm. 127; in alsnotra ambátt, in arma, Þkv.; enn fróði afi, Skm. 2; in ílla mæra, 32; enn fráni ormr, 27; eð manunga man, Hm. 163; enn aldna jötun, 104; en horska mær, 95; it betra, Stor. 22; ena þriðju, the third, Vsp. 20; inn móður-lausi mögr, Fm. 2; it gjalla gull, ok it glóðrauða fé, 9; ið fyrsta orð, Sdm. 14; enu skírleita goði, Gm. 39; in glýstömu græti, Hðm. 1; in svásu goð, Vþm. 17; enum frægja syni, Hm. 141; at ins tryggva vinar, 66; ennar góðu konu, 100; ins svinna mans, 162; ens dýra mjaðar, 141; ens hindra dags, 109; ens unga mans, Skm. 11; ens deykkva hrafns, Skv. 2. 20; æ til ins eina dags, Fm. 10; ena níundu hverja nótt, Skm. 21: with the ordinals, inn fyrsti, þriði …, Gm. 6 sqq., Sdm. 21 sqq.2. so also before an adverb; it sama, likewise, Hm. 75, Fm. 4, Vþm. 22, 23, Gm. 15, Hdl. 26.3. as an indecl. particle ‘in’ or ‘en’ before a comparative; in heldr, the more, Hm. 60, Sdm. 36, Hkv. 1. 12, Skv. 1. 21, Gh. 3, Nj. 219; in lengr, the longer, Am. 58, 61; this has been already mentioned s. v. en (p. 127, B. at bottom, and p. 128), but it is almost exclusively poetical.II. placed between a pronoun and an adjective in the definite form:1. after a demonstr.; sá inn fráni ormr, Fm. 26; sá inn harði hallr, Gs. 10; sá inn aldni jötun, Skm. 25; sá inn ámáttki jötunn, 10; þat ið mikla men, Þkv. 13; þat ið litla, ‘that the little,’ i. e. the little thing, Ls. 44: þann inn alsvinna jötun, Vþm. 1; þann inn aldna jötun, Fm. 29; þann inn hrímkalda jötun, 38; þess ins alsvinna jötuns, Vþm. 5; þat it unga man, Alm. 6; þann inn aldna jötun, Gm. 50; þau in harðmóðgu ský, 41; sá inn máttki munr, 93; mönnum þeim enum aldrœnum, Hbl. 44; börn þau in blíðu, Og. 9; hrís þat ið mæra, Akv. 5: in prose, fjölmenni þat it mikla, Eg. 46; þetta it mikla skip, Fms. x. 347, passim: with ordinals, segðu þat ið eina, say that the first, Vþm. 20; þat ið þriðja, fjórða …, 20 sqq.2. after a possessive; síns ins heila hugar, síns ins svára sefa, Hm. 105; þíns ins hvassa hjörs, Fm. 29; minn inn hvassi hjörr, 6; míns ins hvassa hjörs, 28; bækr þínar inar bláhvítu, Hðm.3. after a pers. pron.: þú hinn armi, thou wretch! Ld. 326; gakk þú hingat hinn mikli maðr! Eg. 488.III. placed between two nouns in apposition:1. between a proper name and a title or epithet in the definite form; Sigurðr inn Suðræni, Sigurd the Southerner, Skv. 3. 4; Atli inn Ríki, Akv. 29; Högna ins frækna, Hjalla ins blauða, 23; Guðröðr inn Göfugláti, Ýt.; Hamðir inn hugumstóri, Hðm. 25; Kjötva’nn (= Kjötva enn) Auðga, Hornklofi; Svan enum Rauða, Álfr enn Gamli, Hdl.; as also in prose, Ívarr inn Víðfaðmi, Haraldr enn Hárfagri, Ólafr inn Digri, Knútr inn Fundni, Auðr in Djúpauðga, Þorbjörg in Digra, Hildr in Mjófa, Steinólfr inn Lági, Þorkell inn Hávi, Kjarlakr inn Gamli, Björn inn Austræni, Ólafr inn Hvíti, Hálfdan inn Svarti, Sighvatr inn Rauði, Kyjólfr inn Grá, Gestr inn Spaki; Ari inn Fróði (Aren Froðe contr. = Are enn Froðe, Ó. T. 23, line 1), Ketill inn Heimski, Knútr inn Ríki, Eadvarðr inn Góði, Hálfdan inn Mildi, Ingjaldr inn Illráði, Helgi inn Magri, Úlfr inn Skjálgi, Landn., Fb. iii; cp. Gr. Νέστωρ ὁ γέρων, Σωκράτης ὁ φιλόσοφος, Germ. Nathan der Weise, Engl. Alfred the Great, etc.: of ships, Ormr inn Langi, Ormr inn Skammi.2. between an appellative and an adjective; sveinn inn hvíti, Ls. 20; hendi inni hægri, 61; þengill inn meins-vani, Gm. 16; seggr inn ungi, Skm. 2; skati inn ungi, Hdl. 9; brúðr in kappsvinna, Am. 75; hest inn hraðfæra, Gh. 18; varr inn vígfrækni, gumi inn gunnhelgi, Hðm. 30; auð inn fagra, Skv. 1. 13; orm inn frána, 1, 11; fjánda inn fólkská, Fm. 37; konungr inn Húnski, Skv. 3. 8, 18, 63, 64; orð ið fyrra, Og. 9; mál ið efsta, 16; seggr inn suðræni, Akv. 3; seggr inn æri, 6; mar’inum mélgreypa, 3, 13; borg inni há, 14; sól inni suðrhöllu, 30; veðrs ens mikla, Hkv. 1. 12; handar ennar hægri, Ls. 38, 61; vífs ins vegliga, Am. 54; konung inn kostsama, Hkm.; gramr inn glaðværi, id.; hlut inn mjóvara, Ýt. 13; konungr inn kynstóri, fylkir inn framlyndi, hilmi’nom hálsdigra, konu’na Dönsku, hverr’ enni Heinversku, Hornklofi, Sæm. (Möb.) 228–231; við arm inn vestra, Sighvat; so also in prose passim.B. When there was no adjective the article became a suffix to the noun (see Gramm. pp. xix, xx), a usage common even in early prose, but extremely rare in poetry; the reason is, not that the poems were composed before the suffixed article had come into use, but that the metres themselves in which all the old poems were composed are older than that usage, and are not well adapted to it, so that the absence of the article became traditional. The old poem Harbarðsljóð makes an exception, no doubt not from being later than all other poems, but from being composed in a peculiar metre, half verse and half prose; thus in that single poem alone there are nearly twenty instances, or about twice or thrice as many as in all the other poems together:—váginn, Hbl. 2, 13, 15; sundit, 1, 3, 8, 13; verðinum, 4; eikjunni, 7; skipit, id.; stöðna, landit, id.; leiðina, 55; höfuðit, 15; bátinum, 53; veggsins, stokksins, steinsins, 56; matrinn, 3: other solitary instances are, goðin öll, Vsp. 27 (prob. somewhat corrupt); eiki-köstinn, Gh. 20; vömmin vár, Ls. 52.II. in prose, old and modern, the suffixed article occurs at every step; only one or two instances are worth noticing as peculiar to the Icelandic:1. as vocative in addressing; konan, O woman! mjöðnannan, id., Sighvat (in a verse of A. D. 1018, and so in mod. usage); elskan! hjartað! heillin! ástin, my love! dear! heart! þursinn! Fas. i. 385; hundarnir! = ω κύνες, Od. xxii. 35: also with another word, barnið gott, good child! Þrúðnaþussinn, thou monster giant! Miðgarðs-ormrinn! Fas. i. 373.2. esp. if with a possessive adjective following, as in Gr. οὑμός, τοὐμόν, τἀμά, etc.; elskan mín, ástin mín, hjartað mitt, góðrinn minn! hér er nú ástin mín, here is my darling! Sturl. ii. 78, of a father presenting a darling child to a friend; and so in mod. usage: as abuse, hundrinn þinn, thou dog! Ísl. ii. 176; þjófrinn þinn! Fms. vii. 127; dyðrillinn þinn! ii. 279; hundinum þínum! vi. 323: this use is not confined to the vocative, e. g. konan mín biðr að heilsa, my wife (kona mín is never used); maðrinn minn, my husband; biddu foreldrana þína ( ask thy parents) að lofa þér að fara; augun hans, his eyes, Pass. 24. 4; hugrinn vor og hjartað sé, our mind and heart (cp. Gr. τω ἐμω θυμω), 43. 5; svo hjartað bæði og málið mitt | mikli samhuga nafnið þitt, 10. 7; gef þú að móður-málið mitt, 35. 9; bókin mín, my favourite book, my own book; as also, fáðu mér hattinn minn, vetlingana mína, skóna mína, give me my hat, gloves, shoes; tungan í þér, augun í þér, thy tongue, thy eyes; höfuðið á mér, fætrnir á mér, my head, my feet; hendrnar á þér (‘á mér, á þér’ are here equivalent to a possessive, see p. 37, C. IV), thy hands, cp. Homer, τα σα γούνατα; hestana þína, Gr. ϊππους τους σούς: similar is the instance, vömmin vár, the sins of ours, Ls. 52; this may be a remnant of a time when the article was used separately, even with an indefinite adjective.3. a double article, one suffixed to the noun and the other prefixed to the word in apposition; hirðin sú in Danska, Fms. vi. 323; þau in stóru skipin, viii. 384 and passim: again, when a noun is put in the genitive after another noun the former has no article; as the Engl. phrase ‘the fish of the sea and the fowl of the air’ is in Icel. ‘fiskar sjávarins og fuglar loptsins:’ but this belongs to the syntax; see also Grimm’s D. G. iv. 432.C. SPECIAL CHANGES, in mod. usage:I. the demonstr. pron. sá, sú, það has in speech generally taken the place of inn, in, it; thus, sá gamli maðr, sú gamla kona, það gamla skáld; sometimes the article is dropped altogether, e. g. á fimta degi, on the fifth day (= á enum fimta degi); á sömn stundu, in the same hour; even in old writers this is found, með sömu ætlan, Bs. i. 289; á níundu tíð dags, Stj. 41, (but rarely); yet the old form is often retained in writing.II. in case A. II. the article may be dropped; þann gamla maim, þá gömlu konu, það gamla skáld, þú armi, etc.; sá ráða-góði, sú goðum-líki, sá ágæti Odysseifr, sú vitra Penelopa, sá Jarðkringjandi Pósídon, Od. passim (in Dr. Egilsson’s translation).III. in case A. III. 1. the article is also dropped, Knútr Ríki, Haraldr Hárfagri; even old writers (esp. in later vellums) omitted it now and then, Hálfdan Svarta, Fms. i. 1; Haraldr Grænski, 90; Haraldr Hárfagri, 192; Óttarr ungi, Hdl.: even in the Sæm. Cod. Reg., Völsungr ungi, Skv. 3. 1, 3.IV. in case A. III. 2. the pronouns sá, sú, það, and hinn, hin, hit may be used indiscriminately, although the former is more usual.V. lastly, in case B. the suffixed article has gained ground, and is in modern prose used more freq. than in ancient.☞ CONCLUSION.—The old poetical language, with the sole exception of a single poem, had no article in the modern and proper sense; in every instance the ‘inn, in, it’ bears the character of a demonstrative pronoun, preceding an adjective and enhancing and emphasising its sense, like the pers. pron. hann, q. v.; but it is never attached to a single substantive; when the adjective was placed in apposition after a noun, the pronoun came to stand as an enclitic just after the noun, and was sounded as if suffixed thereto; at last it was tacked as an actual suffix to single nouns standing without apposition, and thus the true suffixed article gradually arose, first in speech, then in writing; whereas at the same time the old pronominal enclitic (A. I-III) gradually went out of use, and was either dropped or replaced by the stronger demonstrative pronoun ‘sá, sú.’2.HIN, HITT, demonstr. pron., prob. identical in etymology with the preceding word, from which it is however distinguished,1. by the neut. hitt, Dan. hint;2. by the initial aspirate, which is never dropped;3. by being a fully accentuated pronoun, so that the h can stand as an alliterative letter, e. g. handar ennar hægri | mun ek hinnar geta, Ls.; veitkat ek hitt hvart Heita | hungr …, Hallfred; Hitt kvað þá Hamðir, etc., Hom. 23, 25, Korm. 40; Raun er hins at Heinir | hræ …; Skáld biðr hins at haldi | hjálm …, Sighvat, Hkv. Hjörv. 26: [Ulf. jains = ἐκεινος; A. S. geond; Engl. yon; Germ. jener.]A. This pronoun is used,I. in a demonstr. sense, emphatically and without being opp. to a preceding demonstr.; raun er hins at …, it is proved that …; skáld biðr hins, at …, Sighvat; veitkat ek hitt hvat (hvárt) …, Hallfred; hitt ek hugða, emphatically, that was what I thought, I thought forsooth, Hm. 98; hitt kvað pá Hróðrglóð, Hðm. 13; hitt kvað þá Hamðir, 25; hitt vil ek vita, that I want to know, Vþm. 3, 6; þó ek hins get, ef …, yet I guess, that if …, Skm. 24; vita skal hitt, ef …, Korm. 40 (in a verse), Ísl. ii. 225 (in a verse); hitt var fyrr = in former times, formerly, Ýt., Fs. 94 (in a verse); hinn er sæll, er …, he is happy, that …, Hm. 8; maðr hinn er …, ‘man he that’ = the man who, 26; hinn er Surts ór Sökkdölum, Edda 51 (in a verse); veitat hinn er tin tannar, hinn er um eyki annask, Kormak (in a verse); handar innar hægri mun ek hinnar geta, er …, the right hand, that hand namely, which …, Ls. 38; this usage scarcely occurs except in old poetry.II. demonstr. referring to another pronoun, denoting the former, farther, the other, = Dan. hiin, hint, Germ. jener, cp. Gr. ἐκεινος, Lat. ille; freq. in prose, old and mod.; fóru þeir með þau skip er þeim þóttu bezt en brenndu hin, Fms. v. 8; Kimbi bar sár sitt engan mun betr en hinir, er hann hafði áðr á fært, 92; en hitt er meira, at hann lætr sér annarra manna fé jafnheimilt, Eg. 47; kemr örvar-oddrinn í strenglag hinnar örvarinnar, Fb. iii. 405; er þú hefir mik fyrir lagt á hinu áðr, 407; hinir frændr þínir, ii. 425; á hinn fótinn, on that, the other leg, Nj. 97; þat er válítið, … hitt er undr …, Ls. 33; hinir hlaða seglunum ok bíða, Fms. x. 347; ef hinn ( the other part) er eigi þar við staddr, Grág. i. 52; hvárt hinn ( the other one) hefir jafnmikit fé hins ( of the other one) er austr er, 220; rétt er at kveðja frá hennar heimili ef hann veit hvártki hinna (gen. pl.), 339; ok vill annarr hluta en annarr eigi … ok verðr sem hinn mæli ekki um er eigi vill hluta, 393; ef maðr sendir annan mann til eindaga, ok erat hinn skyldr við at taka, id.; þess á milli er hón fór at sofa á kveldit, ok hins er hón var klædd, Ld. 14; ærit fögr er mær sjá, … en hitt veit ek eigi hvaðan þjófs-augu eru komin í ættir várar, forsooth she is a beautiful girl, but yet I know not, Nj. 2:—demonstr. in the sense of this (but rare), stjörnur þær er nær eru leiðar-stjöruu ganga aldri undir með oss, en í Blálandi eðr Arabia ganga hinar stjörnur, these very stars, Rb. 468: phrases, hitt ok annat, this and the other, Rd. 235; mod. hitt og þetta.B. COMPOUND FORMS, hinn-ug, hinn-og, or hins-ig, mod. hins-egin, also hizig, q. v. [from vegr], adv. the other way; þótt Gísl þykki hinsig (hinn veg, v. l.) eigi síðr til vísa, Fms. vii. 46; hinnig værir þú undir brún at líta sem …, Nj. 55: locally, there, in the other place, illic, ok láta bera vætti þat hinneg var nefnt, Grág. i. 90; heimta af erfingja ef hinnig er eigi til, K. Þ. K. 28; brenndi þar ok görði hervirki eigi minna enn hinneg, Fms. vi. 340; ef hinnig mundi kostr, K. Þ. K. 24; eigi er hægra undir þeim at búa fyrir kulda sakir, enn hinnog er fyrir ofrhita sakir, Sks. 196; því at hón er kaldari hér en hizug, 70: temp. the other day, formerly (rare), er ek hinnig mælta, Og. 11.2. denoting motion, hither, thither; hinnig deyja ór Helju halir, Vþm. 43; renna hinnig, Gh. 18; ríða hinig, Fm. 26: koma hinig, Gs. 18.
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